“Look at my dark skin and my green eyes,” the young man said, “for they are a testament to the lust of those heretical Dutch who had children with the native women…” I listened with curiosity to our guide on a visit to the old churches in the city of Olinda (Pernambuco) who praised the valiant and pious Portuguese resistance to the Dutch invaders while at the same time denouncing the impiety of those European Protestants.

It is no surprise that this young man learned his narrative in this way. The history that comes to us is primarily that written by the victors. The religious history in the Brazilian colony, that written by the victorious Roman Catholic Portuguese, could not fail to glorify the heroic catechization in the lands of Brazil, the establishment of the Roman faith and the defeat of the French and Dutch invaders.

That history also tells about one of the celebrated heroes of the early days of Christianity in Brazil, José de Anchieta (1534-1597), a soldier of the Society of Jesus, chief catechist and writer. Among his many deeds is his curious participation in the execution of a certain Protestant ‘heretic,’ called (according to official history) Bollés. While Bollés, hanging from the gallows, was slowly dying, Anchieta is said to have embraced his legs and added his own weight to Bollés. Later, Anchieta would claim that this was an act of mercy, in order to shorten the Protestant's suffering.[1]

It is curious that the person whom the Portuguese identified as Bollés appears elsewhere in Brazilian colonial history as possibly being Jaques le Balleur. He was a Huguenot sent by John Calvin and the church of Geneva in 1557, together with thirteen other men, to help Durand de Villegagnon establish the first colony of Reformed Protestants in the American continent in Guanabara Bay.[2]

Jaques le Balleur’s martyrdom suggests one of the possible landmarks in official history from which it is possible to begin to explore the beginnings of Christianity in colonial Brazil from a perspective distinct from the official Roman Catholic accounts.

A few, more comprehensive, historical studies about Protestantism in colonial Brazil offer a distinct history from the official chronicle, highlighting moments of a small but notable Reformed presence in the early days of Brazilian colonial history. Here is an initial sample: The Dutch in Recife (1630-1654),[3] Huguenots in the state of Maranhão (M. La Ravardière - 1612)[4] and possibly in the state of Espírito Santo (c. 1564-1568),[5] and the Huguenot experience in Guanabara Bay (1555-1560).[6]

The last of the four examples is particularly interesting for a number of reasons: First, it represents the earliest attempt at colonization motivated by the Reformed faith in the New World.   Thus, it is also the first expression of a historical dream of establishing a Huguenot refuge in America – a dream that only began to lose its force with the proclamation of the Edict of Nantes (1598).

Second, there is the direct connection between the Huguenot experiment in Guanabara Bay, the Calvinist sympathizer Admiral Gaspar de Coligny (1519–1572), the Reformed Church of Geneva, and John Calvin himself.

Third, accounts of this experience were preserved in some fascinating period documents. Jean de Lery recorded his experiences as part of the Calvinist expedition in Historie d’um Voyage fait en le Terre Du Brésil (first published by Antoine Chuppin in La Rochelle, 1578, with numerous subsequent editions and translations) – considered a classic of French literature. Jean Crespin also included in his martyrology a section called Toucher l’Eglise des fideles au pays Du Brésil, partie de l’Amerique Austral: l’Affliction et Dispersion d’icelle (pages 857-898 of the 1564 edition). This record was later published as a separate work under the title Histoire des choses memorables survenue en le terre du Brésil, partie de l’Amerique Australe, sous le gouvernement de N. Villeganon, depuis l’an 1555 jusqu’á l’an 1558 – this text by Crespin was possibly written by Jean de Lery, or at least based on his reports directly to Crespin.[7]

What concerns us now, however, is not only the fascinating history of the occasional Reformed presence in colonial Brazil, nor even Calvin's involvement with the events in Guanabara in the sixteenth century or his shadow looming over the Guanabara Confession of Faith of 1558—among the oldest Reformed confessions! These few paragraphs are a mere introduction to these beautiful historical roots. The fact is that by God’s providence Calvinism eventually established itself in Brazilian lands, not only as a religious-ecclesiastical force, but also as a theological and cultural tradition that is gradually conquering its space.

Exploring this growing influence of Calvinist thought in theological reflection and Protestant culture in Brazil is exciting. Even at first glance, however, one thing jumps out: whether in the works where Brazilian reflect about Calvin and Calvinism, or the research concerning Brazilian Calvinism and its history or Reformed theology in Brazil something seems to be absent: any reference to the “protestant lascivious heretics” of the memorized speech of the dark-skinned man with green eyes from Olinda.

Instead, what will be striking is the recognition that a rich tradition of Calvinistic reflection is developing in Brazil in the last few decades. This has included historical, theological and cultural reflections on Calvinism and on its impact. As Brazilian authors have turned to Calvinism with appreciation and curiosity, they have actually began to contribute and enrich the Calvinistic tradition in special ways.

A little over ten years ago, in order to celebrate this flourishing tradition of Calvinistic scholarship in Brazil, a dear colleague and I organized and published a compendium of articles, with multiple authors. The book came out in 2012: Davi Charles Gomes and Augustus Nicodemus Gomes Lopes. Calvin and the Influence of his Thought: Brazilian Essays on Calvin and Calvinism (São Paulo: Mackenzie Publishing House, 2012. 261p.).

The essays in that book are either reflecting about Calvinism in Brazil or taking Calvinism as the prism to reflect about Brazilian culture, its history and the influence of Calvinism therein. They were chosen for the book from major articles previously published in the theological journal Fides Reformata, over the spread of more than 15 years.

All the authors are Brazilian, except for one, whose Brazilianness is sufficiently undeniable that no justification is necessary. They all write from the perspective of eager participants in the banquets of the Calvinist Protestant tradition, but they do so with intellectual rigor, honesty and that elegant balance that does not allow admiration for a thinker and his tradition to overshadow that appreciatively critical spirit of “testing all things and holding fast to what is good” (1 Thessalonians 5:21).

Franklin Ferreira, Francisco Leonardo Schalkwijk, Heber Carlos de Campos Júnior and Hermisten Maia Pereira da Costa offer historical perspectives that inform and inspire – Calvinism and Puritanism, primary sources on Calvin in relation to Brazil, the relationship between Calvin and post-Reformation Calvinists and the valorization of what is human in Calvin's thought.

Alderi Souza de Matos, Heber Carlos de Campos, Fabiano de Almeida Oliveira, Francisco Solano Portela Neto and Augustus Nicodemus Gomes Lopes offer expansions and implications of Calvin's thought – its human dimension, its contributions to educational philosophy and theory of knowledge, some of its implications for political theory and its significance for the university.

Mauro Meister, Daniel Santos Jr., Jedeías Duarte and Valdeci Santos reflect on Calvin and, from a Calvinistic perspective, on biblical interpretation, on ministry and vocation, and on theological identity.

Why write an article now, highlighting this book? Why write it for Blog of the World Reformed Fellowship? Well, the answer is simple: for the same reason the article began by pointing historical roots that connect our Calvinistic and Reformed tradition with colonial times in Brazil. Seeing these early roots should be an encouragement for those in the global Reformed community by establishing historical connections.

Likewise, a reference to how this Calvinist tradition has taken roots and continues to develop, not only in the growth of Reformed Churches, but also in the flourishing of Brazilian Calvinistic scholarship, may provide an interesting and encouraging example of the now-global influence of our theological tradition. It is encouragement and celebration for the wider global Reformed community. Perhaps it is also a good example of what we wish to see continuing!

Nevertheless, let me close by returning to the historical teaser with which I started. Back in 1558, when the traitor Villegaignon put an end to the Calvinist experiment in Guanabara Bay, most of the expedition members hurriedly returned to Europe, rescued by a precarious boat. However, five of those Calvinists stayed behind so that the others would have a chance to survive the crossing—not enough food and space on the boat.

Four of them, Jean du Bourdel, Matthieu Verneuil, Pierre Bourdon and André la Fon were threatened and forced by Durand de Villegagnon (the commander who reconverted to Roman Catholicism) to produce a document expressing their faith. Villegagnon became their tormentor and wanted and excuse for their execution. This is how they began their response:  

According to the doctrine of St. Peter the Apostle, in his first epistle, all Christians must always be ready to give reason for the hope that is in them, and this with all sweetness and kindness, we, the undersigned, Lord of Villegaignon, solely (according to the measure of grace that the Lord has granted us) give reason, to each point, as you have pointed out and ordered us, and beginning with the first article...[8]

After answering seventeen theological questions raised by Villegaignon, producing an astonishing summary of crucial points of biblical-reformed doctrine, citing not only Scripture but several passages from the church fathers – quoted from memory, with acuity! – they concluded, and in doing so, humanly sealed the destiny that providence had already reserved for them:

This is the answer we give to the articles sent by you, according to the measure and portion of faith that God has given us, praying that it may please Him not to allow that faith to be killed in us, but rather to produce fruits worthy of His children, and thus, by making us grow and persevere in it, we may give Him thanks and praise forever and ever. So be it.[9]

Villegaignon received that confession and ordered the summary execution of its Calvinist authors. The bodies of the first Calvinist martyrs in the New World, shattered on the rocks of the small island in Guanabara Bay. By the grace of God their sacrifice did not represent the end, but rather the beginning, of a beautiful history of Calvinism in Brazil until today and beyond.  

 

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Notes:

[1] HAUSER, Henri, Les Huguenots français au Brésil (1560-1584) d’après des documents Portugais. In Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantism Français. (Paris, Tome 86 1937), 104-106.

[2] POMBO, Rocha, História do Brasil, vol III, 514; Alvaro Reis, O Martyr le Balleur. Cited by  Domingo Ribeiro, in his translation of Jean Crespin, Los Martires de Rio de Janeiro, (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Jakez, 1955), 76, n. 33. See also  José de Anchieta, Cartas, Informações, Fragmentos Históricos e Sermões do Padre Joseph de Anchieta, S.J. (1554-1594), in Cartas Jesuiticas, III, (Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1933, carta XI ao Padre Geral de São Vicente, 1 de junho, 1560, p. 157.

[3] Concerning the Dutch presence, see Frans Leonard Schalkwijk, Igreja e Estado no Brasil Holandês: 1630-1654, (São Paulo: Sociedade Religiosa Edições Vida Nova: 1989.

[4] See LESTRINGANT, Frank, L’Expérience Huguenote au Nouveau Monde (XVI ^e Siècle), (Genève: Librairie Droz, 1996), 31-32, 45 e 309; especially 32: “Le fait noveau en 1604 est la grand présence d’un protestant a la tête de lexpédition ne soit pas jugée incompatible avec l’expansion du catholicism.  Il en ira de même sous La Ravardière au Maragnon (Maranhão), auquel on adjoint toutefois, par précaution, quatre missionnaires capucins . . .”

[5] HAUSER, Les Huguenots français, 106-107 e 112-114.

[6] CRESPIN, Jean, A Tragédia da Guanabara (São Paulo: Cultura Cristã, 2007), 192p.

[7] The work of Jean de Lery was publisged in the United States as Jean de Lery, History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil. Translated by Janet Whatley. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. 340p.  A Portuguese edition of the work by Crespin is CRESPIN, Jean, A Tragédia da Guanabara (São Paulo: Cultura Cristã, 2007), 192p. As for the possible involvement of Lery in Crespin´s text, see the Mexican edition: CRESPIN, Jean, Los matires de Rio de Janeiro, editado por Gonzalo Baez-Camargo (Mexico, DF: Editorial Jakez, 1955), p31 n.1 o LERY, Brésil, pp281-282.

[8] CRESPIN, Jean, Los matires de Rio de Janeiro, edited by Gonzalo Baez-Camargo (Mexico, DF: Editorial Jakez, 1955), p. 64.

[9] CRESPIN, Jean, Los matires de Rio de Janeiro, edited by Gonzalo Baez-Camargo (Mexico, DF: Editorial Jakez, 1955), p. 69.